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Old 01-17-2016, 10:47 AM   #11
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I think appreciating nature teaches people about respect. When you see how everything works so well together, the plants, insects, wildlife, etc. you can't help but admire it. If you learn to respect and appreciate nature I think you learn to respect all life including people
That makes sense to me...and reinforces just how important it is for the younger generation (and upcoming generations) get out and connect with the natural world.
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Old 01-17-2016, 03:27 PM   #12
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That makes sense to me...and reinforces just how important it is for the younger generation (and upcoming generations) get out and connect with the natural world.
I agree that it is very important for children to learn about nature. I am on the education committee for my Audubon chapter and we provide National Audubon nature teaching kits to 4th 5th and 6th grade classrooms in the state of Delaware. We also have beginner birding trips and have been attracting families. It's really fun to watch the kids get excited about seeing birds.
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Old 01-17-2016, 06:17 PM   #13
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I agree that it is very important for children to learn about nature. I am on the education committee for my Audubon chapter and we provide National Audubon nature teaching kits to 4th 5th and 6th grade classrooms in the state of Delaware. We also have beginner birding trips and have been attracting families. It's really fun to watch the kids get excited about seeing birds.
What a great experience. Keep up the good work.
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Old 01-17-2016, 06:31 PM   #14
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May I add to the complexity of understanding part?
I know, too many quotes, but there are 50 some pages of information and reams of resources. Read it when you can for better understanding of how biophilia is looked at and understood by those whose work may depend on knowing.

This link to a pdf gives a long but interesting take on biophilia.
Peter H. Kahn, Jr.
Department of Education and Human Development, Colby College; and The Mina Institute

http://faculty.washington.edu/pkahn/...Hypothesis.pdf

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The long answer—which is not nearly as tidy—is the subject of this article. It is my hope to bring this line of inquiry more fully into the field of developmental psychology. In the first section, I sketch some of the promising research that supports the biophilia hypothesis. This task is important, for the idea of biophilia becomes compelling not by any single study, but by the confluence of research from diverse fields. This body of research also sets into motion the concerns that are at the forefront of current debate, and that I take up in the second section. One concern arises if biophilia is understood largely as a genetically determined affiliation. A second concern arises through a seeming contradiction. At first blush, biophilia would seem to mean something like ‘‘love of nature’’ or at least something that accentuates a positive affiliation. Yet most proponents of biophilia agree that people at times find nature unlikable and unfriendly, if not threatening and harmful, and that such negative affiliations comprise a part of biophilia. How can these ideas be reconciled?A third concern—or actually a set of problems—arises when biophilia is understood to be vigorously shaped by experience, learning, and culture. How good is the supporting evidence? Can the biophilia hypothesis be disconfirmed?
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Where do we now stand in an assessment of the biophilia hypothesis? In my interpretation, the research literature speaks relatively strongly for the proposition that people have a need and propensity to affiliate with nature, and that such affiliations can be of both a positive and negative kind. Such negative affiliations do not, in my estimation, undermine the biophilia hypothesis. Rather, following Wilson’s lead, the challenge is to integrate both positive and negative affiliations within a larger framework. I also think it goes without saying that we are biological beings with an evolutionary history. Thus, I believe that any account of the human affiliation with nature needs to build on, or at least dovetail with, evolutionary theory. It is what Cosmides, Tooby, and Barkow (1992) refer to as ‘‘conceptual integration,’’ which ‘‘refers to the principle that the various disciplines within the behavioral and social sciences should make themselves mutually consistent, and consistent with what is known in the natural sciences as well’’ (p. 4).
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"It springs fresh from a more primitive mode of thought, wherein the hunter’s mind weaves ideas from old facts and fresh metaphors and the scrambled crazy images of things recently seen’’ (p. 5). Lovely writing, and it seems to convey a nonmechanistic mental model. So does the belief that emotions exist. Orians and Heerwagen (1992), for example, believe that personal interaction with landscapes ‘‘over a lifetime creates a wealth of knowledge and meanings that provide the basis for emotional attachment to places’’ (p. 560). In Kellert’s work, the nine values he investigates are ‘‘thought to reflect a range of physical, emotional, and intellectual expressions of the biophilic tendency to associate with nature’’ (p. 26). ‘‘People,’’ Kellert (1996) writes, ‘‘need to rekindle their capacity for experiencing wonder, inspiration, and joy from contact with the natural world’’ (p. 209). Wilson (1992) says: ‘‘What makes us people and not computers is emotion’’ (p. 348). In addition, these theorists accept some account of free will. Based on the savanna hypothesis, there should be, as noted earlier, an innate predilection to clear-cut the Amazon jungle, to transform the Amazon into the innately desirable landscape of earlier times. Most evolutionally inclined theorists who accept some account of the savanna hypothesis want people to choose otherwise, and believe people can. Wilson (1992) says that an enduring environmental ethic will aim to preserve, among other things, the ‘‘freedom of our species’’ (p. 351). And, in a response to Budiansky’s (1995) critique of Kellert’s work, Kellert (1996b) says: ‘‘In his [Budiansky’s] effort to dismiss what he perhaps fears as genetic determinism, he neglects the acknowledged role of social context and free will in the development of our affinity for the natural world.’’
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In contrast, from the structural–developmental perspective, learning involves neither simply the replacement of one view (the incorrect one) with another (the presumed correct one), nor simply the stacking, like building blocks, of new knowledge on top of old knowledge, but rather transformations of knowledge. Transformations, in turn, occur not through the child’s passivity, but through active, original thinking. As James Mark Baldwin (1897/1973) said, a child’s knowledge ‘‘at each new plane is also a real invention. . . . He makes it; he gets it for himself by his own action; he achieves, invents it.’’ Or, as Dewey (1916/1966) said: ‘‘We sometimes talk as if ‘original research’ were a . . . prerogative of scientists or at least of advanced students. But all thinking is research, and all research is native, original, with him who carries it on, even if everybody else in the world already is sure of what he is still looking for’’ (p. 148). Think of it this way. On a daily level, children encounter problems, of all sorts: logical, mathematical, physical, social, ethical, environmental. Problems require solutions. The disequilibrated state is not a comfortable one. Thus, the child strives toward a more comprehensive, more adequate means of resolving problems, of synthesizing disparate ideas, of making sense of the world. Notice the implication. It is not only the gifted scientist who ‘‘weaves ideas from old facts and fresh metaphors and the scrambled crazy images of things recently seen’’—we all do, children too.
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The research literature speaks relatively strongly for the proposition that people have a need and propensity to affiliate with nature. That is biophilia, in its least developed and least controversial form.It also is clear that humans affiliate both positively and negatively with nature. Although it is not unreasonable to call the former affiliations ‘‘biophilia’’ and the latter affiliations ‘‘biophobia,’’ I think in the long run that that approach will not be as productive (let alone elegant) as following Wilson’s lead. Let biophilia refer to both positive and negative affiliations, and then take up the task of integrating both within a larger framework. Following this counsel, and drawing on structural–developmental theory, I showed how through the individual’s interaction with the social and natural world, biophilia might increase in scope and adequacy, and in so doing transform negative affiliations with nature into, ultimately, a life-affirming orientation. Such an account may also be normative.
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